Traces of the romantic revolutionary idealism and optimism in USSR
Similarly, traces of the romantic revolutionary idealism and optimism that had strongly driven the creators of the Soviet system persisted, despite the immense moral and physical losses suffered by its members in the first half of the twentieth century. Despite being controlled and corrupted by the dictatorship, this idealism and optimism retained the strength to challenge cynical conformity and submissive passivity.
Traces of the romantic revolutionary idealism and optimism in USSR
The status and influence of science and scientists in the USSR reached an unparalleled level, largely due to the demands and pressures of the Cold War. The unwavering pursuit of “objective truth” elevated scientists to the status of supreme intellectual authorities, independent from any political party or ideology.
Russia experienced a notable upsurge in its educational and cultural life following World War II. Schools and universities in Moscow, Leningrad, and other Russian cities experienced an influx of new groups of students. The urban youth, who refrained from numbing the pressures of war by excessive drinking, gambling, and criminal activities, enthusiastically engaged in reading and academic pursuits.
Soviet libraries observed a significant increase in the demand for detective and adventure fiction, as well as fairy tales. However, a small number of readers had more profound educational goals, seeking familiarity with global literature, history, poetry, and philosophy. The total number of university graduates throughout the postwar era did not exceed 1.5 million. By contrast, the group was very tiny when compared to the number of college graduates in the United States.
For example, the G.I. Bill alone led to eight million people graduating from universities. However, it was the most substantial assemblage of educated young individuals in Russia, surpassing the “Zhivago generation” by a factor of six. The latter refers to the cohort of university graduates in the decades preceding the Revolution. In addition to the number, these pupils had a distinct attribute. By the time they reached their twenties, they had developed exceptional memory skills and gained extensive social experience.
Their adolescence and early years were disrupted by the Nazi invasion. Their essence and inner being assimilated the most negative experiences of cruelty and also the most elevated instances of selfless devotion to one’s country and collective harmony. Several years later, the aspiring Russian filmmaker Andrei TarĂ‚ We discharged our obligation during the war, and we desired our entitlements in times of peace.
David Samoilovkovsky endeavored to convey these experiences in his inaugural globally recognized film, My Name Is Ivan, which portrays the sorrowful narrative of a Russian youngster during wartime who is consumed by a fervent desire for revenge. Western critics, appalled by the film, perceived the depiction of its protagonist as an embellishment. However, even after enduring four years of war, starvation, and extreme hardships, the pupils who lived through the aftermath of the cataclysm were still deeply affected by the brutality and inhumane acts they witnessed. The years immediately following the war were characterized by increased adversity and malnourishment.
Moscow, Leningrad, and other urban centers were populated by a substantial number of adolescent orphans, disabled veterans with amputations, and destitute sex workers. Despite these circumstances (or possibly due to them), the students of the postwar era experienced profound optimism and fervor for life. The inclusion of young war veterans in colleges and urban environments played a significant role in the subsequent surge in education following the war.
Unlike the G.I. Bill in the United States, the Soviet Union did not have a similar program. However, war veterans were able to get admission to colleges, including prestigious ones in Moscow and Leningrad, with minimal entry examinations or competition, and they were not required to pay for their studies.
The majority of these individuals were conspicuously older than the generation that emerged after the war, often by a span of ten years. They had previously led military forces, dispatched individuals to their demise, witnessed immense malevolence and devastation, liberated Europe, and ultimately came back victorious to their homeland. Upon returning to university halls and library workstations, they were resolute in their determination to compensate for the time they had lost.
Subsequently, a significant number of individuals opted for a political or bureaucratic vocation rather than engaging in intellectual and cultural endeavors. Nevertheless, several individuals emerged as an indispensable contribution to the generation of intellectuals after the war, arguably the most pivotal one.
This generation was raised inside the educational system established during the 1930s under the Stalinist regime. During the initial years after the war, this system progressively adopted a more conservative approach. Males and females attended segregated educational institutions, where a dress code requiring uniforms was mandatory for all individuals.
The postwar students comprised the offspring of the most prominent party leaders, including Svetlana, Stalin’s daughter, as well as the children of Viacheslav Molotov, Georgy Malenkov, and Nikita Khrushchev.